Devolution as a means to adequate social safety nets?

Decentralisation is invariably among the recommendations that international organisations such as the World Bank make for an enhancement of social provisions, and particularly a better targeting of social assistance regimes, in Eastern and Central Europe. However, theoretical literature as wel as empirical research suggests that decentralisation is not by defintion a panacea, especially when it concerns the transfers of competencies in the matter of social protection systems. It is true that there are arguments to promote redistributive activity at lower levels of government but whith regard to policies aimed at redistribution and reducing poverty (and welfare generosity) the assumption that redistribution is best organised at the central level is rather dominant. Fundamental constraints on redistribution by lower level governments would -according to this line of reasoning- facilitate a 'race to the bottom'. This paper investigates the relationship between the generosity of social assistance benefits and several dimensions of decentralisation (the administration, decision-making and funding of social assistance schemes) at two levels of government (the substate and the local level) in 21 OECD countries by means of a fuzzy set analysis. The results indicate that social asssitance benefits are more adequate in countries where the decision-making, funding and administration of social assistance schemes is controlled by the central government and in countries where central or substate governments set the basic social assistance rates and housing benefits while sharing funding liabilities with the local government level. When Central and Eastern European countries opt for decentralisation as an instrument of poverty alleviation – through a better targeting of benefits -, prudence is called for the fact that there might be a trade-off between the transfer of competencies to lowel levels of government and the generosity of welfare programmes.decentralization; devolution; social policy; social assistance; Europe; OECD; Fuzzy Set; social welfare; race to the bottom; federalism

Development and validation of EMP-3 : an instrument to measure physicians' attitudes towards ethnic minority patients

Background and Objectives: The growing diversity of patient populations challenges health care providers. Physicians' attitudes and perceptions toward cultural diversity in health care could be partly contributing to difficulties in communication between physicians and ethnic minority patients. To evaluate these attitudes and perceptions, an instrument was developed and validated. Methods: A preliminary version of the instrument was developed through literature research and expert consultation and completed by 112 family physicians. Factor analysis was performed and reliability and construct validity tested. Results: The instrument revealed three factors that were interpreted as: (1) physicians' task perception and ideas on cultural differences in health and health care, (2) physicians' attitudes toward physician-patient communication with minority patients, and (3) physicians' perception of minority patients' needs in communication. Moderate but significant correlations were found between factors of the EMP-3 and practice organization, practice location, and physicians' gender. Several factors of the Jefferson Empathy Scale, the Patient Practitioner Orientation Scale, and the Health Beliefs and Attitude Scale related to the first two factors of the EMP-3. Conclusions: This instrument, designed specifically to measure physicians' attitudes toward cultural diversity, showed moderate validity and reliability results. Further adaptations and evaluation could be useful

True political representation of disadvantaged neighbourhoods?

This article examines where Brussels parliamentary members live, looking at the evolution of this phenomenon over the past 20 years. The central question focuses on whether different neighbourhoods within the Brussels Capital Region also experienced a different pattern of representation throughout this period. The analysis shows that the centrally located poor neighbourhoods had little if any representation at the end of the 1980s, but that this underrepresentation gradually decreased and has now just about completely disappeared. The increasing number of parliamentary members of non-European origin has played a role in this evolution, but other parliamentary members are also increasingly living in centrally located neighbourhoods. Furthermore, historical anchoring in certain areas continues to play a role. There are major differences between the political ideologies which broadly follow a left-right continuum, and which are also increasing. The increasing representation of the central urban neighbourhoods simultaneously creates opportunities and challenges for urban policy. Although a lack of policy interest in these neighbourhoods is becoming increasingly unlikley, this does not necessarily go hand in hand with an increase in the amount of attention paid to the current residents within these neighbourhoods.Dit artikel handelt over de woonplaats van de Brusselse parlementsleden, en de evolutie daarvan over de laatste 20 jaar. De centrale vraag luidt of verschillende buurten in het Brussels Hoofdstedelijk Gewest ook een verschillende vertegenwoordiging kennen in deze periode. Uit de analyse blijkt dat de centraal gelegen arme buurten amper vertegenwoordigd werden op het einde van de jaren 1980, maar dat deze ondervertegenwoordiging geleidelijk verminderde en nu bijna volledig verdwenen is. Het toenemend aantal parlementsleden van niet-Europese origine heeft daartoe bijgedragen, maar ook de andere parlementsleden wonen in toenemende mate in centrale stedelijke buurten. Historische verankering in bepaalde gebieden blijft ook een rol spelen. Er zijn grote verschillen tussen de politieke strekkingen, die globaal verlopen volgens een links-rechts continuüm, en bovendien nog toenemen. De stijgende vertegenwoordiging van de centrale stedelijke buurten creëert tegelijkertijd kansen en uitdagingen voor het stedelijk beleid. Een gebrek aan beleidsinteresse voor deze buurten wordt in toenemende mate onwaarschijnlijk, maar dit valt niet noodzakelijk samen met een stijgende aandacht voor de huidige inwoners van deze buurten.Cet article traite du lieu de résidence des parlementaires bruxellois et de son évolution au cours des 20 dernières années. La question centrale est la suivante : des quartiers différents de la Région de Bruxelles-Capitale connaissent-ils aussi une représentation différente au cours de cette période ? L’analyse montre que les quartiers pauvres situés au centre de la région étaient à peine représentés à la fin des années 1980, mais que cette sous-représentation a progressivement diminué pour disparaître presque complètement actuellement. La croissance du nombre de parlementaires d’origine non-européenne y a contribué, mais les autres parlementaires aussi habitent de plus en plus dans des quartiers urbains centraux. L’implantation historique dans certains endroits continue aussi à jouer un rôle. Il y a, entre les tendances politiques, de grandes différences, qui suivent globalement une ligne continue gauche-droite, et qui augmentent encore. La croissance de la représentation des quartiers urbains centraux crée, à la fois, des chances et des défis pour la politique urbaine. Un manque d’intérêt pour ces quartiers devient de plus en plus improbable, mais cela n’implique pas nécessairement une attention plus grande pour leurs habitants actuels

Design, Analysis, Optimization and Control of Rotor Tip Flows

Developments in turbomachinery focus on efficiency and reliability enhancements, while reducing the production costs. In spite of the many noteworthy experimental and numerical investigations over the past decades, the turbine tip design presents numerous challenges to the engine manufacturers, and remains the primary factor defining the machine durability for the periodic removal of the turbine components during overhaul. Due to the hot gases coming from the upstream combustion chamber, the turbine blades are subjected to temperatures far above the metal creep temperature, combined with severe thermal stresses induced within the blade material. Inadequate designs cause early tip burnouts leading to considerable performance degradations, or even a catastrophic turbine failure. Moreover, the leakage spillage, nowadays often exceeding the transonic regime, generates large aerodynamic penalties which are responsible for about one third of the turbine losses. In this view, the current doctoral research exploits the potential through the modification and optimization of the blade tip shape as a means to control the tip leakage flow aerodynamics and manage the heat load distribution over the blade profile to improve the turbine efficiency and durability

Slow divergence integrals in generalized Liénard equations near centers

Using techniques from singular perturbations we show that for any $n\ge 6$ and $m\ge 2$ there are Liénard equations $\{\dot{x}=y-F(x),\ \dot{y}=G(x)\}$, with $F$ a polynomial of degree $n$ and $G$ a polynomial of degree $m$, having at least $2[\frac{n-2}{2}]+[\frac{m}{2}]$ hyperbolic limit cycles, where $[\cdot]$ denotes "the greatest integer equal or below"

Electoral geography and manifestoes of new «urban» parties from 1977 to 1999: how urban are they really?

This paper examines the relationship between electoral results and party manifestoes from a spatial perspective. The manifestoes and electoral geography of two new, allegedly «urban» parties in Flanders are compared in order to assess whether these parties might, in their ideas and consequential policies, contribute to a reinforcement of the urban milieu in Flanders. We end up with a rather pessimistic conclusion: the Vlaams Blok, adhering an inherently anti-urban ideology, nor Agalev, who have to satisfy a suburban as well as an urban electorate, seem to be able to defend the urban milieu in Flanders.In dit artikel wordt de relatie tussen electorale resultaten en partijprogramma’s onderzocht vanuit een ruimtelijk perspectief. De partijprogramma’s en de electorale geografie van twee schijnbaar «stedelijke» partijen in Vlaanderen worden vergeleken om na te gaan of deze partijen, in hun ideeën en daaruit volgend beleid, bijdragen aan een versterking van het stedelijke milieu in Vlaanderen. We besluiten met een eerder pessimistische conclusie: noch het Vlaams Blok, dat een inherent anti-stedelijke ideologie aanhangt, noch Agalev, die rekening moet houden met een stedelijk zowel als een suburbaan electoraat, lijken in staat te zijn de belangen van het stedelijke milieu te verdedigen